Bihar’s Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana: A Poll-Time Gimmick Masquerading as Empowerment

Patna, September 26, 2025 – In a spectacle timed to perfection with the approaching Bihar assembly elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana, promising ₹10,000 direct transfers to 75 lakh women across the state. Alongside Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, who joined virtually, the event saw ₹7,500 crore disbursed in a single swoop, billed as a catalyst for self-employment among Bihar’s women. With over a crore women attending via video conference, the launch was a grand affair. Yet, beneath the pomp lies a scheme fraught with flaws, fiscal irresponsibility, and a cynical nod to electoral gain. Far from empowering women, it recycles tired promises, ignoring the systemic barriers that keep Bihar’s women mired in poverty.

A Grand Launch with Electoral Timing

The launch of the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana by Prime Minister Narendra Modi was a carefully staged event, marked by a massive ₹7,500 crore transfer to 75 lakh women, touted as a step toward economic independence. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s virtual presence and the participation of over a crore women via grassroots video conferences amplified the spectacle. However, the timing—just weeks before the Bihar assembly elections in late October or early November—has sparked skepticism. In Darbhanga, 38-year-old Rukmini Devi, a vegetable vendor, watched the launch on a community screen and remarked, “They give us money when votes are near, but where were they when floods washed away my stall last monsoon?” Her words echo a widespread sentiment that the scheme is less about empowerment and more about swaying voters in a state where Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) faces anti-incumbency after 20 years in power. On X, IANS shared a clip from Bhagalpur where a Jeevika Didi praised the scheme, saying, “Today we listened to PM Modi’s address. We are planning to do something of our own…” – but replies quickly turned to doubts about follow-through.

Promises on Paper: The Scheme’s Framework

Approved by the Bihar cabinet on August 29, 2025, the scheme targets one woman per family aged 18 to 60, primarily through Jeevika self-help groups under the Rural Development Department. It aligns with national initiatives like Lakhpati Didi and Mudra Yojana, offering ₹10,000 grants, skill training, market linkages via “Gramin Haat-Bazaars,” and up to ₹2 lakh in follow-up aid after a six-month performance review. The vision is enticing: women launching ventures in tailoring, poultry, or handicrafts. Yet, for women like Anju Kumari, a 29-year-old from Supaul, the promises feel hollow. “They say we’ll get training, but our Jeevika group hasn’t had a proper meeting in months. Last time, the facilitator just handed out forms and left,” she said, reflecting the gap between the scheme’s ambitious blueprint and its shaky groundwork, which risks exacerbating inequalities rather than resolving them.

Opposition’s Outcry: Bribery or Empowerment?

Opposition leaders, led by RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav, have fiercely criticized the scheme as a vote-buying ploy. At a Patna press conference, Yadav called it “bribery, not empowerment,” accusing the Nitish-Modi alliance of exploiting women’s aspirations ahead of the polls. He contrasted it with the RJD’s past governance, retorting to Modi’s “lantern era” jibe by highlighting the current government’s “empty promises and mounting debt.” In Bhagalpur, 42-year-old Shanti Devi, a daily wage laborer, echoed this skepticism: “They gave us ₹10,000, but my husband says it’s for household debts, not my business. Why announce this now, just before voting?” Her story underscores the opposition’s claim that the scheme leverages women’s hopes for political gain, especially as Nitish Kumar battles voter fatigue after two decades in power.

Structural Flaws and Rural Realities

The scheme’s broad eligibility—covering women from Jeevika-linked families—belies its reliance on a flawed bureaucratic system. Reports from Madhubani and Muzaffarpur reveal duplicate beneficiary entries, exclusion of Dalit and Muslim women due to opaque criteria, and favoritism toward JD(U) loyalists. Sunita Devi, a 45-year-old widow from Gaya, shared her frustration: “My daughter-in-law applied through our Jeevika group, but her name vanished from the list overnight. They favor those close to the sarpanch.” Similarly, in Purnea, 25-year-old Ayesha Khatoon, a Muslim weaver, was denied inclusion despite years in a Jeevika group. “They said my Aadhaar wasn’t linked properly, but I checked—it was fine,” she said. These anecdotes highlight how bureaucratic inefficiencies, compounded by Bihar’s rural challenges like floods and caste barriers, undermine the scheme’s promise of fostering micro-entrepreneurship.

Fiscal Folly: A Strain on Bihar’s Economy

With an initial ₹7,500 crore outlay and projections of ₹25,000 crore, the scheme threatens Bihar’s precarious debt-to-GDP ratio, already over 40 percent. Economists like Shaibal Gupta warn that such direct benefit transfers (DBTs) foster consumption, not sustainable jobs. “Women will spend on household needs, not businesses,” Gupta told The Daily Sentinel. In Siwan, 33-year-old Meena Yadav, a mother of three, confirmed this: “The ₹10,000 went to my son’s school fees and my husband’s medical bills. Starting a shop? There’s no market here.” RBI data shows a 60 percent failure rate for women-led micro-enterprises in Bihar, and past schemes like the Mukhyamantri Udyami Yojana saw 70 percent of loans become non-performing assets. Meena’s story illustrates how, without robust support systems, the scheme risks becoming a fiscal drain rather than an economic catalyst.

Superficial Empowerment: Ignoring Gender Realities

The scheme’s gender empowerment narrative is criticized as superficial, ignoring Bihar’s systemic issues: rural female literacy below 50 percent, triple the national average maternal mortality, and widespread domestic violence. It lacks measures like gender sensitization for Jeevika staff or childcare support. In Patna, Mahila Samakhya activists protested, with coordinator Renu Jha noting, “Men control the money.” In Katihar, 30-year-old Rekha Paswan, a domestic worker, shared, “My husband took the ₹10,000 for his liquor debts. They say it’s for my business, but who listens to me at home?” NFHS-5 data reveals 40 percent of Bihar’s women lack financial autonomy, highlighting how the scheme fails to address patriarchal norms that undermine women’s agency and economic independence.

Political Theater and Operational Hiccups

Modi’s launch speech, laced with Navratri greetings and praise for Nitish Kumar, sidestepped Bihar’s dismal human development indices while touting synergies with schemes like Drone Didi. Yet, ground realities tell a different story. In Vaishali’s pilot rollout, beneficiaries like Kalpana Kumari, 32, from Hajipur, received funds but no guidance: “They promised business training, but it was a two-hour talk with no materials.” In Nalanda, 27-year-old Priya Devi faced another hurdle: “The haat-bazaar is 10 kilometers away, and our road floods every monsoon. How do I sell anything?” A Pratham Education Foundation study notes 75 percent of Bihar’s women lack digital literacy, complicating the online application process. Technical glitches, like Aadhaar mismatches affecting 5 lakh women, further expose the scheme’s operational chaos, per Bihar State Rural Livelihood Promotion Society data.

A Divided Alliance and Starved Priorities

Even within the ruling alliance, doubts simmer. A senior BJP functionary, anonymously, flagged the urban-rural divide, with the Urban Development Department’s separate handling risking uneven implementation. In Patna’s urban slums, 35-year-old Geeta Kumari, a street vendor, complained, “They focus on villages, but we city women get nothing. The forms were only in rural centers.” Fiscal concerns mount as funds are diverted from rural development, starving infrastructure like schools and irrigation. In Araria, farmer Lakshmi Devi, 40, lamented, “They give us cash, but our fields still flood because canals aren’t repaired.” Technical failures, including DBT errors, compound the scheme’s inefficiencies, undermining its reach and credibility.

Beyond the Glitter: A Call for Real Reform

The Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana epitomizes Bihar’s governance malaise—prioritizing campaigns over structural change. While beneficiaries like Reeta Devi, showcased in Modi’s interaction, recite gratitude, millions like Sarita Kumari, a 28-year-old from Samastipur, wait for real solutions: “I want a shop, but without roads or loans, ₹10,000 is just a drop in the bucket.” True empowerment demands equitable land rights, reliable transport, and policies valuing women’s labor beyond election cycles. As funds land in accounts, the scheme feels like a prop for a faltering regime. Bihar’s women, with a history of unkept promises, may see through this illusion and demand accountability at the polls.

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